Unraveling The Complex Question: Does Iraq Hate Iran?

Sherwood Wisoky 20 Jun 2025

In the intricate tapestry of Middle Eastern geopolitics, few relationships are as historically charged and currently nuanced as that between Iraq and Iran. The question, "does Iraq hate Iran," is far from simple, revealing layers of shared history, bitter conflict, religious ties, and contemporary power struggles that defy a straightforward "yes" or "no." To truly understand the sentiment, one must delve into decades of shifting alliances, devastating wars, and the enduring influence of regional powers.

Historically, the two nations have transitioned from an intense rivalry to a surprising, albeit complex, collaboration. The harrowing experiences of the 1980s war are etched deeply in their collective memory, yet the dawn of the new millennium unveiled a dramatically altered dynamic. This article will explore the historical roots, the impact of past conflicts, the current geopolitical landscape, and the diverse perspectives within both nations to provide a comprehensive answer to this compelling question.

Historical Roots of a Complex Relationship
- The Ba'athist Era and Saddam's Ascent
- The Iran-Iraq War: A Scarred Memory
Shifting Alliances and Regional Dynamics
- US Involvement and Tacit Alignments
Iran's Enduring Influence in Post-Saddam Iraq
- Tehran's Strategic Grip on Baghdad
Iraqi Aspirations: Neutrality Amidst Influence
The Nuance of "Hate": Beyond Simple Animosity
Religious Divides and Misconceptions
The Economic Factor and Public Sentiment
The Future Trajectory: A Path Towards Autonomy?

Historical Roots of a Complex Relationship

The relationship between Iraq and Iran is deeply rooted in centuries of interaction, marked by periods of both cultural exchange and fierce conflict. Before the modern nation-states emerged, the lands that constitute present-day Iraq and Iran were often at the heart of competing empires, from the Sassanids and Byzantines to the Ottomans and Safavids. These historical layers laid the groundwork for a complex dynamic that would intensify in the 20th century.

The Ba'athist Era and Saddam's Ascent

The modern era saw the rise of nationalist movements and the establishment of new political orders. In Iraq, successive military coups led to the takeover by the Ba’ath Party in 1968. This period saw Saddam Hussein’s gradual ascent to power through the ranks, culminating in his presidency in 1979. His regime was characterized by a strong sense of Arab nationalism, often at odds with Iran's Persian identity and, after 1979, its revolutionary Islamic ideology.

Early in his rule, Saddam Hussein demonstrated a ruthless determination to consolidate power and eliminate perceived threats. When informed of a plot, Saddam ordered the execution of dozens of his army's officers. In a sign of what he hoped would be reconciliation or at least a de-escalation with the burgeoning Islamic revolution in Iran, he expelled Ruhollah Khomeini, an exiled cleric who would soon become Iran's Supreme Leader. This act, however, did little to stem the tide of revolutionary fervor that would soon engulf Iran and spill over into regional politics.

The Iran-Iraq War: A Scarred Memory

The most defining event in the modern relationship, and a critical factor in understanding if does Iraq hate Iran, was the devastating Iran-Iraq War (1980-1988). In September 1980, Iraq invaded Iran, an escalation of the two countries' regional rivalry and religious differences. This conflict, which lasted for eight brutal years, resulted in an estimated one million casualties and left an indelible scar on the collective memory of both nations.

The war was fueled by territorial disputes, particularly over the Shatt al-Arab waterway, and ideological clashes between Saddam's secular Ba'athist regime (which, though governing a predominantly Shia country, was led by Sunni Muslims) and Khomeini's revolutionary Islamic Republic. The war was a period of immense suffering, and the harrowing experiences of the 1980s war are etched deeply in their collective memory. This shared trauma contributes significantly to the underlying tension and complex sentiments that persist today.

Shifting Alliances and Regional Dynamics

The geopolitical landscape of the Middle East is constantly in flux, and the relationship between Iraq and Iran is no exception. The end of the Iran-Iraq War did not bring lasting peace, but rather a new phase of strategic maneuvering and regional competition.

US Involvement and Tacit Alignments

During the Iran-Iraq War, the United States tacitly sided with Iraq, providing intelligence and financial aid to Baghdad, viewing revolutionary Iran as the greater threat to regional stability. This alignment further complicated the perception of the conflict, painting Iraq as a bulwark against Iranian expansionism. However, the 2003 US-led invasion of Iraq and the subsequent overthrow of Saddam Hussein dramatically altered this dynamic. With Saddam gone, a power vacuum emerged, and Iran, no longer facing its formidable enemy, quickly moved to expand its influence in post-Saddam Iraq. This shift fundamentally changed the answer to does Iraq hate Iran, as the former enemy became a powerful, often indispensable, neighbor.

Iran's Enduring Influence in Post-Saddam Iraq

Following 2003, Iran seized the opportunity to cultivate deep ties within Iraq, particularly with the newly empowered Shia-majority political factions and armed groups. Tehran has far more influence inside the Iraqi government than does the United States, a reality that shapes much of Iraq's domestic and foreign policy. This influence is not always overt or micromanaged, but it is undeniably present and strategic.

Tehran's Strategic Grip on Baghdad

Iran's influence in Iraq is multifaceted, extending across political, economic, and security spheres. While Iran may not micromanage all aspects of governance in Iraq, Tehran has control over Baghdad when it counts. This includes critical moments such as when a prime minister is picked, when an IRGC (Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps) force wants to transit Iraq, or when Iran wants specific policies enacted. This strategic grip is maintained through various means, including:

Political Alliances: Supporting and funding political parties and figures aligned with Iranian interests.
Militia Networks: Building a coalition of militias, often referred to as Popular Mobilization Forces (PMF), which are officially part of the Iraqi security apparatus but maintain strong ideological and operational ties to Iran. These groups wield significant power and act as Iran's proxies on the ground.
Economic Ties: Extensive trade relations and investments, though often informal, create a web of interdependence.
Religious and Cultural Links: Shared Shia heritage, pilgrimage routes, and religious seminaries foster deep cultural connections that Iran leverages.

Iran has several reasons to be pleased with the government of Iraq, primarily because it serves as a strategic depth and a vital land bridge to its allies in Syria and Lebanon. Dislodging Iran from Iraq will not be simple, given the depth of these connections and the strategic importance of Iraq to Iran's regional foreign policy. Salah Nasrawi notes that while Iran’s hegemony in Iraq is no longer working as smoothly as before, Tehran will not give up trying to maintain its influence.

Iraqi Aspirations: Neutrality Amidst Influence

While Iran exerts significant influence, it would be inaccurate to suggest that the Iraqi population universally welcomes it or that the Iraqi government is a mere puppet. The desire of the Iraqis is to become neutral, seeking to balance relations with all regional and international powers without being beholden to any single one. This aspiration for sovereignty and non-alignment is a recurring theme in Iraqi politics and public discourse.

Public protests in Iraq, particularly those seen in recent years, often voice frustration with foreign interference, including Iran's. This is why Iran sometimes "hates" Iraq’s uprising, as popular movements that challenge the status quo can undermine Tehran's carefully constructed network of influence and control. These protests are a clear indicator that while the political elite might be intertwined with Iranian interests, a significant portion of the Iraqi populace yearns for genuine independence and self-determination.

The Nuance of "Hate": Beyond Simple Animosity

To answer does Iraq hate Iran, one must move beyond a simplistic binary. "Hate" is a strong word, and while historical grievances and current frustrations exist, the relationship is far more complex than pure animosity.

From the Iraqi perspective, sentiments are diverse:

Resentment of Influence: Many Iraqis, particularly Sunni Arabs and a growing segment of Shia Arabs, resent Iran's pervasive influence in their political and security affairs. They view it as an infringement on their sovereignty.
Sectarian Ties: For many Iraqi Shias, there is a strong religious and cultural affinity with Iran, particularly due to shared pilgrimage sites and religious leadership. This does not necessarily translate to political loyalty, but it fosters a sense of kinship.
Economic Competition: Iraqi businesses and workers often feel undercut by cheaper Iranian goods and labor, leading to economic grievances.
Historical Trauma: The memory of the Iran-Iraq War remains a source of bitterness for many, regardless of sectarian affiliation.

From the Iranian perspective, the data reveals a different facet of the "hate" question. A good chunk of Iranians is in full support of their government and the ones who don't, do so because they are literally starving under decade-long sanctions and just want a way out. However, a striking piece of information indicates that both groups (those supporting the government and those against it due to sanctions) "completely hate Iraq and wish to see us under their feet." This sentiment, if widespread, suggests a deep-seated animosity from the Iranian side, rooted in historical grievances like the Shatt al-Arab dispute and a desire for regional dominance. It was blatantly obvious when the polar opposite regime of IRI, the Shah regime, still sought to destabilize us and take Shatt al-Arab, indicating a consistent geopolitical ambition towards Iraq regardless of the ruling ideology in Iran.

Religious Divides and Misconceptions

The religious dimension is often cited as a primary driver of animosity, particularly the Sunni-Shia divide. It is often claimed that Arabs hate Iran because they view Iran as the birthplace of Shi'ism. However, this is a significant historical misconception. It was actually Iraq that gave rise to Shia Islam, not Iran, but most don't know the history or care to. The holy cities of Najaf and Karbala in Iraq are central to Shia Islam, predating the Safavid conversion of Iran to Shiism.

Despite this historical truth, the perception of Iran as the "Shiite power" and Iraq as a predominantly Arab nation (with a Shia majority but a Sunni-led government under Saddam) fueled sectarian tensions during the war and continues to be a factor. The instrumentalization of sectarian identity by political actors on both sides has deepened divisions, even among those who share the same faith. The religious ties can be a source of unity, but also a tool for manipulation, contributing to a complex emotional landscape where "hate" is too simplistic a descriptor.

The Economic Factor and Public Sentiment

Economic realities play a significant role in shaping public sentiment. For many Iraqis, the current state of their economy, marked by high unemployment, corruption, and inadequate public services, is a source of profound dissatisfaction. While not directly attributable to Iran, the perception that Iranian influence contributes to political instability and hinders economic recovery can fuel resentment.

Conversely, for Iran, the economic relationship with Iraq is crucial, especially under the weight of international sanctions. Iraq serves as a vital market for Iranian goods and a conduit for bypassing sanctions. This economic interdependence, while beneficial to Iran, can be a source of friction for Iraqis who feel their own economy is not benefiting proportionally or is being exploited. The economic disparities and perceived imbalances contribute to the complex feelings that exist, making the question does Iraq hate Iran a matter of economic frustration as much as political or historical grievance.

The Future Trajectory: A Path Towards Autonomy?

The relationship between Iraq and Iran is dynamic and continues to evolve. While Iran's deep influence in Iraq is undeniable, there are increasing signs of Iraqi efforts to assert greater autonomy. The desire of the Iraqis to become neutral is a powerful undercurrent that could shape future developments.

Iraq is attempting to balance its relationships with various regional players, including Saudi Arabia, which has sharpened its differences with Iran in the past 15 years. This broader regional context, including the rivalry between Saudi Arabia and Iran, impacts Iraq's strategic choices. While dislodging Iran from Iraq will not be simple, the growing calls for sovereignty within Iraq, coupled with a desire for stability and economic recovery, may gradually shift the balance. The question of does Iraq hate Iran will likely continue to be answered with a nuanced mix of historical grievance, strategic pragmatism, and a persistent yearning for self-determination.

Conclusion

In conclusion, the question, "does Iraq hate Iran," elicits a complex, multi-layered answer that transcends simple animosity. While the harrowing experiences of the 1980s war and the subsequent period of Iranian influence have certainly fostered resentment and a desire for greater sovereignty among many Iraqis, it is not a monolithic "hate." The relationship is shaped by deep historical ties, shared religious heritage, strategic geopolitical interests, and economic realities.

Iran's enduring influence in post-Saddam Iraq, characterized by its strategic grip on Baghdad's political and security landscape, is a significant factor. Yet, Iraqi aspirations for neutrality and the emergence of public discontent against foreign interference signal a growing desire for true autonomy. Conversely, elements within Iran harbor a deep-seated animosity towards Iraq, rooted in historical grievances and a desire for regional dominance, as evidenced by sentiments expressed even by different Iranian regimes.

Ultimately, the relationship is a delicate balance of cooperation and competition, shared identity and historical trauma. It is a testament to the intricate nature of Middle Eastern geopolitics, where alliances shift, and sentiments are rarely black and white. The future of Iraq-Iran relations will likely continue to be defined by Iraq's struggle for independence amidst powerful regional currents.

What are your thoughts on the complex relationship between Iraq and Iran? Share your perspectives in the comments below, or explore more of our articles on Middle Eastern geopolitics to deepen your understanding of this vital region.

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