Unraveling Decades-Long Enmity: Why Iran Doesn't Like Israel
The relationship between Iran and Israel, characterized by fierce hostility today, is one of the most complex and volatile geopolitical dynamics in the Middle East. For many, the intensity of this animosity begs a fundamental question: why doesn't Iran like Israel with such intensity? Understanding this deep-seated antagonism requires a journey through history, ideology, and regional power struggles, revealing a transformation from once-cordial ties to an openly hostile standoff.
What began as a strategic, albeit discreet, alliance during the Cold War era has devolved into a bitter rivalry marked by proxy conflicts, covert operations, and constant threats. The shift was not gradual but rather a seismic change triggered by a pivotal moment in Iranian history. This article delves into the multifaceted reasons behind Iran's profound dislike for Israel, drawing on key historical turning points and ongoing geopolitical tensions.
Table of Contents
- The Historical Turning Point: From Cordial to Hostile
- Ideological Foundations of Animosity
- Regional Power Dynamics and Existential Threats
- Proxy Conflicts and Direct Accusations
- Israel's Counter-Strategy: Normalization and Alliances
- The Role of External Powers: US Sanctions and the "Iran Deal"
- Perceptions of Provocation and International Law
- A Glimmer of Hope? Future Possibilities
The Historical Turning Point: From Cordial to Hostile
To truly grasp why Iran doesn't like Israel today, one must first look back at a time when their relationship was surprisingly different. For most of the Cold War, the relationship between Iran and Israel was cordial. This might seem counter-intuitive given the current state of affairs, but during the reign of the Shah, Mohammad Reza Pahlavi, both nations found common ground in their strategic interests. Israel, in its early years, sought alliances beyond its immediate Arab neighbors, and Iran, under the Shah, was keen to modernize and strengthen its ties with the West, particularly the United States.
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As noted, it was often Israel that was the proactive party in fostering this relationship. The Shah, for his part, also wanted a way to improve Iran’s relations with the US, and at the time, Israel was seen as a good way to achieve that aim. This pragmatic alliance allowed for discreet cooperation in various fields, from intelligence sharing to economic ties, operating largely under the radar of the Arab world.
However, this cordiality shattered with the advent of the 1979 Islamic Revolution. This monumental event transformed previously cordial relations between Iran and Israel to fierce hostility. The new Islamic Republic, founded on principles starkly opposed to Western influence and Zionism, fundamentally reoriented Iran's foreign policy. The hostility has been openly pronounced since the end of the Gulf War in 1991, cementing the adversarial stance that defines their interactions today. The very legitimacy of Israel as a state became a central point of contention for Iran's current government, a stance that continues to fuel the deep animosity and explains a significant part of why Iran doesn't like Israel.
Ideological Foundations of Animosity
The 1979 Islamic Revolution was not merely a change in government; it was a profound ideological shift that reshaped Iran's identity and its place in the world. The new regime, led by Ayatollah Ruhollah Khomeini, adopted a revolutionary ideology that viewed Israel as an illegitimate entity, a "Zionist entity" and an outpost of Western imperialism in the heart of the Muslim world. This ideological condemnation is a core reason why Iran doesn't like Israel, elevating the conflict beyond mere political dispute to a matter of religious and revolutionary principle.
Iran's current government does not recognize Israel's legitimacy as a state. This non-recognition is not just a diplomatic formality; it's a deeply ingrained tenet of the Islamic Republic's foreign policy. From Tehran's perspective, Israel's existence on what they consider Islamic lands, coupled with its strong alliance with the United States, makes it an inherent threat to regional stability and Islamic values. This ideological lens interprets Israel's actions as inherently aggressive and expansionist, further solidifying the perception of Israel as an archenemy.
Furthermore, Iran's revolutionary rhetoric often frames its opposition to Israel as a defense of the Palestinian cause and a challenge to perceived Western dominance. This narrative resonates with certain segments of the Muslim world, allowing Iran to project itself as a leader in the anti-imperialist struggle. This ideological commitment means that any potential normalization of relations would require a fundamental shift in Iran's revolutionary principles, making a resolution seem incredibly distant, and reinforcing the core reasons why Iran doesn't like Israel.
Regional Power Dynamics and Existential Threats
Beyond ideology, the rivalry between Iran and Israel is deeply rooted in a complex regional power struggle, where both nations perceive existential threats and actively seek to counter them. Like Israel, Iran sees existential threats everywhere and seeks to counter them. This shared perception of vulnerability, ironically, fuels their antagonism rather than fostering understanding.
Iran, a Shiite majority nation, finds itself surrounded by wary, if not hostile, Sunni Arab neighbors. This sectarian divide often places Iran at odds with powerful regional players like Saudi Arabia, creating a complex web of alliances and rivalries. In this context, Iran's support for various non-state actors and its pursuit of a nuclear program are seen by its adversaries as attempts to expand its influence and challenge the existing regional order.
Israel, on the other hand, views Iran's nuclear ambitions, its ballistic missile program, and its network of proxies (such as Hezbollah in Lebanon and various militias in Syria and Iraq) as direct threats to its security and very existence. Israel's archenemy, Iran, possesses capabilities and intentions that cause significant alarm in Jerusalem. The strategic competition for dominance in the Middle East means that any gain for one side is often perceived as a loss for the other, creating a zero-sum game that perpetuates the conflict and explains a significant part of why Iran doesn't like Israel.
This dynamic is further complicated by the involvement of external powers. The United States' unwavering support for Israel and its imposition of sanctions on Iran are seen by Tehran as part of a concerted effort to undermine its regime. From the Iranian point of view, it looked like Iran was just sitting on the fence and not performing its leadership role in challenging Israel, especially when other regional actors seemed more assertive. This perception of being targeted by a US-Israeli axis only deepens Iran's resolve to challenge Israel's regional influence.
Proxy Conflicts and Direct Accusations
The animosity between Iran and Israel rarely manifests in direct, conventional warfare. Instead, it plays out through a series of proxy conflicts, covert operations, and tit-for-tat retaliations across the region. This shadow war is a critical component of why Iran doesn't like Israel and how that dislike translates into action.
One of the most recent and public examples of this dynamic occurred when Iran blamed Israel for a strike on its Syria consulate, and has vowed to retaliate. Such incidents, often attributed to Israel's campaign to degrade Iran's military infrastructure and influence in Syria, are met with fierce condemnation and promises of revenge from Tehran. Iran has pledged a decisive reaction to Israel's onslaught against Iranian allies across the region, indicating a willingness to escalate in response to perceived Israeli aggression.
From Iran's perspective, Israel effectively acts like a mercenary army contracted by the US to do its unsavoury bidding. This view frames Israel as an aggressive extension of American foreign policy, constantly interfering in regional affairs and undermining Iranian interests. The presence of Israeli Mossad in other countries and the perception that Israel always wants to be in charge of everything further fuels this narrative of Israeli provocation.
While the promised attack by Islamic revolutionary forces often looms, the reality is a calculated game of brinkmanship. Tehran seems to have badly miscalculated the risk its arch foe is willing to take, leading to a dangerous cycle of escalation and response. This continuous engagement in proxy conflicts, from Lebanon to Syria and beyond, underscores the deep-seated animosity and the active measures both sides take to undermine each other, making it clear why Iran doesn't like Israel and is willing to act on that dislike.
Israel's Counter-Strategy: Normalization and Alliances
In response to Iran's growing regional influence and its persistent hostility, Israel has actively pursued a strategy of normalization with Arab states. This approach aims to build a united front against what many in the region perceive as Iranian expansionism. Many of these Arab states share Israel’s concerns about Iranian expansionism, creating a convergence of interests that was once unimaginable.
The Abraham Accords, signed in 2020, marked a historic shift in regional dynamics by formalizing peace agreements between Israel and several Gulf states, including the UAE and Bahrain. This diplomatic breakthrough was a direct consequence of shared anxieties about Iran's activities, demonstrating a willingness among some Arab nations to set aside the Palestinian issue, at least temporarily, in favor of a strategic alliance against a common adversary. These accords not only bolster Israel's regional standing but also isolate Iran further, intensifying the reasons why Iran doesn't like Israel.
This strategy is not without its complexities. While the accords represent a significant diplomatic achievement, critics have pointed out that they didn't address other actions by Iran, including support for terrorism, and that they posed a threat to Israel. Nonetheless, the normalization trend signifies a new era in Middle Eastern geopolitics, where the threat posed by Iran has become a catalyst for new alliances, further solidifying the adversarial relationship between Tehran and Jerusalem. This strategic maneuvering by Israel, designed to counter Iran's influence, naturally exacerbates the reasons why Iran doesn't like Israel, viewing these alliances as part of a hostile encirclement.
The Role of External Powers: US Sanctions and the "Iran Deal"
The complex relationship between Iran and Israel is inextricably linked to the involvement of external powers, most notably the United States. The US's strong alliance with Israel and its long-standing policy of sanctioning Iran play a significant role in shaping the dynamics of their animosity. This external dimension provides a crucial layer to understanding why Iran doesn't like Israel.
Israel feels like it needs American military backing to maintain its qualitative military edge and deter threats from Iran and its proxies. This reliance on US support is a cornerstone of Israel's security doctrine. At the same time, Israel feels pressure because the sanctions the Western world has imposed to cripple Iran economically do not appear to be fully achieving their desired effect of halting Iran's nuclear program or curbing its regional influence.
The ongoing discussions around a new "Iran deal" (though whether it will come to be is impossible to say) further highlight the intricate dance between these nations and global powers. The Joint Comprehensive Plan of Action (JCPOA), signed in 2015, aimed to limit Iran's nuclear program in exchange for sanctions relief. We reported in 2017 that Iran had largely complied with the deal. However, the US withdrawal from the deal under the Trump administration and the subsequent re-imposition of sanctions have only deepened the mistrust and exacerbated tensions. From Iran's perspective, these sanctions, heavily influenced by Israeli lobbying, are an act of economic warfare, further solidifying the reasons why Iran doesn't like Israel.
The charade of the Biden administration trying to negotiate a ceasefire, often perceived as badly executed, also plays into the Iranian narrative of a biased international system. This perception reinforces the idea that Israel operates with impunity due to US backing, intensifying Iran's resolve to challenge what it sees as an unfair global order. This intertwining of US policy, Israeli security concerns, and Iranian resistance forms a critical backdrop to the enduring question of why Iran doesn't like Israel.
Perceptions of Provocation and International Law
A significant aspect of why Iran doesn't like Israel stems from a deep-seated perception within Iran and among its allies that Israel is a provocative actor in the region, frequently operating outside the bounds of international law. This view contrasts sharply with how many in the West perceive Israel's actions, often leading to a fundamental disagreement on who is the aggressor.
The sentiment that "Iran is not good but Israel is a provocative in the region" captures a common viewpoint among critics of Israel's foreign policy. Questions like "Why is Israeli Mossad in other countries?" or "Why is Israel always want to be in charge of everything?" reflect a belief that Israel oversteps its boundaries and seeks to dominate regional affairs. These questions are not just rhetorical; they point to a widespread perception of Israeli exceptionalism and unilateralism.
Perhaps one of the most damning accusations from this perspective is the claim: "Why does Israel broke over 72 international laws? Iraq broke 2 and got invaded." While the specific numbers may be debated, this statement highlights a profound sense of injustice and double standards. The implication is that powerful nations, particularly those allied with the US, are held to a different standard than others. This perceived hypocrisy fuels resentment and provides a moral justification for Iran's opposition to Israel, contributing significantly to why Iran doesn't like Israel.
This narrative suggests that Israel's actions, from its military operations in neighboring countries to its policies concerning Palestine, are inherently destabilizing and unjust. This perception of Israel as a constant provocateur, combined with a sense of being unfairly targeted by international sanctions and military pressure, solidifies Iran's adversarial stance. The belief that Israel acts with impunity, often at the expense of regional peace and stability, is a powerful driver of Iranian animosity.
A Glimmer of Hope? Future Possibilities
Despite the entrenched hostility and the decades of animosity, some voices suggest that the current state of affairs is not necessarily permanent. While Iran changing its attitude to Israel might seem like it requires a miracle, there are those who see it happening. This perspective offers a rare optimistic outlook on one of the world's most intractable conflicts, challenging the notion that the enmity between these two nations is an immutable fact.
The idea that positive relations between the two countries could be reached before a major conflict erupts is a bold proposition, given the current climate of heightened tensions and proxy wars. Such a shift would necessitate profound changes in leadership, ideology, and strategic priorities on both sides. It would require a re-evaluation of deeply held beliefs and a willingness to compromise on issues that have historically been non-negotiable.
For Iran, a change in attitude towards Israel would likely involve a softening of its revolutionary rhetoric, a recognition of Israel's right to exist, and a cessation of support for groups actively engaged in conflict with Israel. For Israel, it might mean a re-evaluation of its regional security strategy and a willingness to engage in dialogue with a transformed Iran. This is not to say that such a transformation is imminent or even probable in the short term, but the mere contemplation of it suggests that the current state of affairs, however dire, is not necessarily the final chapter.
The path to reconciliation, if it ever materializes, would be arduous, fraught with historical grievances and deeply ingrained mistrust. However, the possibility, however remote, that Iran might one day change its stance on Israel offers a faint glimmer of hope for a region desperately in need of peace. It underscores that even the most bitter enmities are products of historical circumstances and political choices, and thus, theoretically, can be altered.
Conclusion
The question of why Iran doesn't like Israel is multifaceted, rooted deeply in a complex interplay of historical events, ideological commitments, regional power dynamics, and external influences. What began as a pragmatic, if quiet, alliance during the Cold War was irrevocably altered by Iran's 1979 Islamic Revolution, which fundamentally rejected Israel's legitimacy and aligned Iran with the Palestinian cause. This ideological shift transformed a once-cordial relationship into one of fierce hostility, characterized by proxy conflicts, accusations of provocation, and a constant struggle for regional dominance.
Both nations perceive existential threats from the other, fueling a cycle of suspicion and retaliation. Iran views Israel as an extension of Western imperialism and a constant provocateur, while Israel sees Iran's nuclear ambitions and network of proxies as direct threats to its survival. The involvement of the United States, through its unwavering support for Israel and its sanctions against Iran, further complicates this dynamic, solidifying Iran's perception of an unfair global order.
While the animosity runs deep, some observers hold out hope for a future where positive relations might be achieved, though such a transformation would indeed require a "miracle." Understanding this complex relationship is crucial for anyone seeking to comprehend the volatile landscape of the Middle East. What are your thoughts on the future of Iran-Israel relations? Share your perspective in the comments below, or explore our other articles on Middle Eastern geopolitics to delve deeper into these critical issues.
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